
Interview: 10 years of the ILNSS by Christian Mahieux
One of the founding members remembers the history and development of the ILNSS during this decade
The International Labour Network of Solidarity and Struggle (ILNSS) celebrated its 10th anniversary on 24 March. The ILNSS was born in Saint-Denis in 2013, from the Spanish CGT, the Brazilian CSP-Conlutas, the French Solidaires and other labour organisations.
Christian Mahieux, one of the coordinators who lived through the foundation of this organisation, talk about the process of birth and development of this international effort. Learn more in the interview below:
How was the ILNSS born?
Formally, if we can speak of formalism when talking about ILNSS, it was born in March 2013, on the occasion of a first international meeting organised in Saint-Denis, France. It was the result of contacts and joint work between several organisations over a number of years. In Europe, the Union syndicale Solidaires had already participated in the creation and animation of a European Network of Alternative and Grassroots Unions. But in the early 2010s, this network ran out of steam: discussions on texts of principle took precedence over real international trade union activities. Going beyond this European Network, both in terms of geographical scope and the range of organisations to be addressed, was an opportunity not to lose the gains of previous years, while not locking ourselves into a circle that ran the risk of functioning in isolation. This is the option that we have chosen within Solidaires and that we have discussed with comrades from the Confederación General del Trabajo (Spain) and the Central Sindical e Popular CSP-Conlutas (Brazil). In May 2012, an international meeting organised by the CSP Conlutas allowed us to further advance the perspective of an international network. And we used the following year to make it a reality, in March 2013. It was also a question of extending what existed in some professional sectors. Among railway workers, for example, we had already set up the Rail Without Frontiers Network, with an annual meeting, a newsletter, leaflets, and a few joint campaigns; a network that included trade union organisations from the European and African railway sectors, linked with others in Asia, South America and North America.
At the end of 2012, together with the CGT and the CSP Conlutas, we launched the invitations for a meeting in March 2013. The list was drawn up in a simple way: the organisations that we already met in common frameworks with our organisations (the European Network mentioned above, international meetings on various occasions, etc.) and all the organisations that CGT, CSP Conlutas or Solidaires thought it would be useful to invite. From the outset, we worked on the basis of trust. Of course, this was an open door to possible manipulation, to the over-representation of certain currents: doing this would perhaps have allowed some people to shine for the duration of a meeting... But it would also have led to a failure, from the outset, of the Network. The constructive approach common to our three organisations, in which many others found themselves, prevailed without any problem.
At the first meeting, we had an important debate about the existing international confederations. We were unanimous in saying that they were inadequate; there were probably nuances between us, but there was no significant difference on this point. This is logical, since we wanted to build an alternative to the mere existence of the International Trade Union Confederation and the World Federation of Trade Unions. But the CSP Conlutas and the CGT, for example, initially considered that we could not accept within the Network organisations that were also members of the ITUC or the WFTU. For Solidaires, we have defended the opposite position: we define what type of trade unionism we claim to be, what actions we want to carry out, etc., and the organisations that find themselves in this context can join the Network, whether they are members of the ITUC or the WFTU or of neither of these structures; it is up to each of them, if necessary, to judge what is contradictory or not in their approach, what is transitory or not. It is the option put forward by Solidaires that has been retained. It's a sign of the concern for construction, for openness; we didn't want to build a closed club, to reassure ourselves about our level of radicalism; we want to have tools that allow us to weigh in the balance of power, to really contribute to the defence of immediate demands and to the break with the capitalist system. This supposes that each organisation takes into account the others, and doesn't just come to defend its own positions. In this case, the comrades of the CGT and the CSP Conlutas went beyond their own position - without denying it - in order to allow the Network to move forward.
After Saint-Denis, the next meetings were held in Sao Paulo in June 2015 and Madrid in January 2018. Due to the pandemic, the 4th meeting has been postponed continuously since 2020, and will finally be held from 21 to 24 April 2022, in Dijon. The next one will be in September 2023, in the state of Sao Paulo.
We didn't want to build a closed club, to reassure each other about our level of radicalism; we want to have tools that allow us to weigh in the balance of power, to really contribute to the defence of immediate demands and to the break with the capitalist system. This implies that each organisation must take into account the others, and not only defend its own positions. |
What have been the main achievements or advances of the ILNSS over the past ten years?
Finding a common language to bring together the demands of the various labour union structures, overcoming the differences in national or even regional modes of organisation, is one of the difficulties of international trade unionism. But in reality this difficulty also exists at the national or even local level: we shout "general strike", we talk about "convergence of struggles" or "unifying struggles"; yes, of course, but how can we build organisations and movements that allow those in the railway sector to strike at the same time as hospital workers, Amazon delivery workers or General Motors factory workers? It is neither easier nor really more complicated on an international scale. You have to implement the means necessary to achieve the objectives you have set. If international solidarity and international action are priorities because "the bosses are organised across borders", then we need to devote time and resources to them: but not only in national or federal meetings; above all, in the unions and union sections: that's where we want to build our trade unionism! Maintaining links with similar trade union collectives in other countries in the world is not very complicated; disseminating international trade union information to all union members is also within everyone's reach. These are two examples of internationalism that are as ungrandiloquent as they are concrete!
How is it going at the heart of the ILNSS? There are still translation issues that cannot be ignored. For international meetings, this is an important financial item because interpreting is indispensable. For daily work, for sectoral activities, we do what we can with the means at hand: comrades translate voluntarily, we sometimes manage without translation, ... But to come back to the need to have material that can be distributed to workers, it is obvious that an international leaflet is only of interest if it is translated into several languages.
Self-management, workers' control, recuperated companies, workers' economy: all terms that deal with the same problematic; but the whole issue is there: to understand that at the same time they cover the same preoccupation but also political, tactical and cultural divergences... Here again, we have to remember what we want to privilege: To impose and "win" the use of our terms of reference or to ensure that together we discuss and act on Kurdish confederalism, on the recuperated enterprises of South America, on European self-management experiences, on workers' control which has nothing to do with capitalist co-management, etc. ?
Support for struggles and solidarity in the face of repression are two important areas of work for the Network. And then there are the common transnational actions. For some of them, we are part of the dynamics that were required before the creation of the Network: the May Day demonstrations in all continents, the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions campaign against the apartheid of the Israeli state against the Palestinian people, the international day for women's rights on 8 March... Beyond that, the Network is a tool to carry out actions within groups [Caixa de texto: If international solidarity and international action are priorities because "the bosses, on the other hand, are organised across borders", then we need to devote time and resources to it: but not only in national or federal meetings; above all, in the unions and union sections: it is indeed from there that we want to build our trade unionism! We have to take into account the needs of workers in a wide range of sectors, from international companies (Amazon, La Poste, call centres, Renault, etc.) to professional sectors with similar characteristics, whatever the country (railways, education, hospital staff, etc.). Here again, as with all trade union activities, the key is to work over time, based on and in relation to what is happening in the companies, services and grassroots trade union groups. From this point of view, let's not hide it, there are delays to be made up if we want to equip ourselves with trade union tools that will enable us to turn the tide against the exploiters.
If international solidarity and international action are priorities because "the bosses are organised across borders", then we must devote time and resources to them: but not only in national or regional meetings; above all, in the unions and union sections: that is indeed where we want to build our union movement! |
What is the importance of the organisation in the current situation?
There are about a hundred member organisations of the ILNSS, but with a different number of members, a different place in the struggles, a different weight in the balance of power: national cross-industry trade union organisations, national professional federations, local cross-industry unions, local trade unions and some trade union currents or tendencies. Europe, Africa, the Americas and, to a much lesser extent, Asia are represented. As far as professional sectors are concerned, it is the image of many trade union organisations: education, railways, health, call centres, industry, public administration, social, trade and services, post, etc.
We need this Network for solidarity, as I have already said; but also for our trade union effectiveness if we want, on the one hand, to win our demands in terms of working conditions, wages, employment, equality, non-discrimination, etc., and on the other hand, to create the conditions for a break with the capitalist system. Because in both cases, we are confronting the bosses, the bourgeoisie, the shareholders, who are organised on an international level! The class struggle is international. Trade unionism is the tool that allows the exploited∙es of the capitalist system, the oppressed∙es, to come together to defend their interests. Trade unionism must be international!
The way of approaching things varies according to the political history of the countries: the weight of the US coups d'état weighs on the whole of Latin America, the presence of NATO bases in the country influences the Italian workers' movement, etc. In the face of war, massacres, and challenges to workers' rights, it was imperative that we avoid division, while remaining firm on the fact that our priority is to respond to the demands of our trade unionist comrades on the ground: to support the resistance of the Ukrainian people. |
The interest of the ILNSS can be illustrated through the example of the war in Ukraine. As soon as the Russian army invaded Ukraine, the International Labour Network of Solidarity and Struggle published a text explaining our position and actions as trade unionists, therefore internationalists, anti-imperialists, etc. A Ukrainian trade union activist was present in Dijon for our meetings; moreover, since February 2022, we have organised face-to-face meetings with Ukrainian trade unionists, collected money and material, published regular information, participated in unitary frameworks, organised two convoys of the ILNSS, set up the tour of a Ukrainian trade unionist in several European countries, relayed a lot of information on our website... Within the Network, there is no concern about condemning Putin's regime; contrary to the positions developed by the WFTU, none of the member organisations of the International Labour Network of Solidarity and Struggle theorises that regimes that oppose American imperialism are to be defended on principle and as examples of workers, freedoms, etc. (Russia, but also Syria, Iran, Ukraine, etc.). (But the way of approaching things varies according to the political history of the countries: the weight of the US coups d'état weighs on the whole of Latin America, the presence of NATO bases in the country influences the Italian workers' movement, etc. In the face of war, massacres, and challenges to workers' rights, it was imperative that we avoid division, while remaining firm on the fact that our priority is to respond to the demands of our trade unionist comrades on the spot: to support the resistance of the Ukrainian people. Hence the adoption, in April 2022, among the many motions on various subjects, of these two, discussed within the coordination of the network (CSP Conlutas, CGT, CUB, Solidaires) and with the representatives of organisations that initially proposed more divisive positions:
Stop Putin's war in Ukraine!
The war against Ukraine started more than a month ago and, above all, we want to convey our support and solidarity to the Ukrainian people and their resistance. We defend their full sovereignty and the right of peoples to self-determination. Therefore, we condemn the aggression launched by Vladimir Putin that has triggered this war.
The second reflection we wish to share is that war is always a defeat of humanity and a failure of the political and economic powers that cause it because it produces the destruction of territories, death and suffering of civilian populations, whereas conflicts should always be resolved through negotiation, without recourse to military violence.
This criminal aggression, which is in line with the policies of the imperialist blocs (United States, Russia, China, NATO, etc.), is being perpetrated by the Putin regime and its generals. This invasion, carried out by a nuclear power, has caused a colossal humanitarian crisis, millions of refugees∙es, the destruction of territory and thousands of deaths; this, in a region of the world already hit by thousands of deaths since 2014.
To end the war, for peace, we must impose the withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine.
As workers, we respond according to our possibilities to the needs expressed by our trade unionist comrades in the countries concerned. This is the meaning of the convoy of the International Trade Union Solidarity Network, which is leaving to bring our solidarity to Ukraine on 29 April.
For peace: fight militarisation and impose disarmament
For world peace, the solutions will not come from an increase in the military budgets of states or from the manufacture of nuclear weapons. On the contrary, we must move towards generalized disarmament.
We say no to rearmament and militarisation and we say yes to the banning of nuclear weapons. The historical demand for the dissolution of military blocs remains: we say No to the Warsaw Pact and NATO. We say No to NATO and the CSTO!
Conscientious objection and refusal to serve in the military are inalienable rights. We underline the courage of the women and men who, exposing themselves to harsh repression, refuse to support Putin's bellicose adventure.
There can be no just and lasting peace until it is recognised that military threats have never served to build security for peoples. We reject the increase in military spending, production and trade in arms, which consume the resources we need for the energy transition and to fight climate change, poverty, pandemics, etc.
The role of Russian imperialism in today's war in Ukraine (and elsewhere in the world before that) does not make us forget the role of other imperialisms in other wars, other attacks on peoples. Starting with American imperialism, which we have denounced on many occasions and which we will continue to fight.
No to war!
No to the politics of military blocs!
No to imperialism!
Yes to peace!
Yes to demilitarisation and support for those who oppose militarism!
For the right to self-determination of all peoples!
What are the objectives to be achieved in the coming years?
We need to improve international links by occupational sectors. This is essential if our trade unionism is to be based on grassroots work at the international level too. We also need to integrate into our Network more organisations that share our definition and practice of trade unionism: "a trade unionism of struggle, anti-capitalist, self-management, democratic, ecological, independent of the bosses and governments, internationalist, and fighting against all forms of oppression (machismo, racism, homophobia, xenophobia). Workers' democracy and workers' self-organisation are also among our common references. Our Network must show that it is useful to comrades who have organised international co-ordinations in their professional sector; there are such co-ordinations for Amazon, for metro workers, for call centres, etc. There are such coordinations for Amazon, for metro workers, for call centres, etc. ILNSS organisations participate in these, alongside organisations that are not members. We need to be able to show how our Network can be useful to them: to host their coordination, to pass on their initiatives, to exchange with other trade union forces.
We also need to integrate into our ILNSS more organisations that share our definition and practice of trade unionism. |
A final comment?
Yes, I want to mention here the role played by two deceased comrades.
The first is Eladio Villanueva, who was secretary general of the Confederación General del Trabajo (Spanish state); he died in 2009, well before 2013, but he was decisive in giving impetus to the international level. The day before he died, at the congress of the CGT railway workers, he said to me: "What we have been doing for several years in the railways, this international network, is what we need to do now for the whole". A commitment kept, Eladio.
The second is Dirceu Travesso; Didi died in 2014. He was the International Relations Secretary of CSP Conlutas, and therefore participated in the creation of the Network. He was a determining element in its construction, during the previous years. Although already very weakened by illness, he multiplied long trips, especially to Europe, He 'wove this net(work)'. Thanks to you Didi.
Eladio, Didi and many others have made it possible for this Network to exist, to live and to develop. Let this continue: we need it for our struggles, to win our demands, to put an end to capitalism, imperialism, colonialism and oppression!