The Illusion of Choice: Why People Should Reject Both Sides of the War
Mena
The Sudanese people and the revolutionary forces are at a critical juncture, caught in the violent grip of a war that began on April 15, 2023. This brutal conflict pits two factions of the ruling class against each other: the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), led by self-appointed 1st General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), commanded by self-appointed General Mohamed Hamdan Daglo, better known as Hemdeti.
On the surface, this war may seem like a battle between two rival military factions, but it is far more profound: it is a war between two groups of oppressors against the oppressed, a clash between two counter-revolutionary forces and the revolutionary aspirations of the Sudanese people. The roots of this war lie not in personal rivalries, but in the deepening contradiction between the revolution of 2018, which sought to overthrow decades of dictatorship, and the counter-revolutionary forces that have hijacked the state apparatus, backed by external powers to crush that very revolution. For the generals, the war was a choice, but for the Sudanese people, it has been an ongoing disaster and suffering. The war has displaced over 11 million people, and in May 2024, U.S. Special Envoy for Sudan, Tom Perriello, reported estimates suggesting that up to 150,000 people had been killed. The war has also devastated the country’s already fragile infrastructure and crippled its means of production. Famine now threatens all of Sudan, with numerous reports of people dying from hunger. The director of the World Food Programme stated:
Avoidable famine is no longer a threat—it is a reality now.
The Sudan Doctors Union – UK Branch (SDU-UK) told MENA Solidarity:
15 million Sudanese lack access to healthcare, with 80% of health facilities non-functional due to destruction and military occupation. Over 11 million face difficulties accessing life-saving care, and more than 70 health workers have been killed. Over 60 health facilities have been attacked, and 730,000 children suffer from severe malnutrition. A child dies every two hours in IDP camps, and an adult dies every day for every 10,000 citizens.
Similarly, the Sudanese Teachers Union informed MENA Solidarity that:
The war in Sudan has had a devastating impact on the country’s education system. Over 6,000 schools have been converted into shelters for internally displaced persons. Additionally, schools have been used as military bases, targeted in attacks, and even served as makeshift burial sites during intense fighting, particularly in Khartoum. More than 350,000 teachers have gone without pay for 16 months, and school supplies have been destroyed or looted.
Despite this unimaginable suffering, the warlords on both sides persist in their delusions of “decisive victory”. They win battles but lose wars. When they sense an advantage, they press on; when they face setbacks, they double down in pursuit of revenge. Neither faction recognises limits because both are invested not in the people’s interest but in consolidating their own power and wealth.
Not long ago, and precisely before the first shots were fired in April 2023, both sides were partners and allies in killing revolutionaries and ordinary people who demanded, and continue to demand, the dissolution of the RSF militia.
But how can the army dissolve a militia that it created and that is part of it under Sudan’s constitution?
The Rapid Support Forces (RSF)
What is now known as the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) originated as the Janjaweed militias, infamously created in the early 2000s by Sudan’s ousted dictator, Omar al-Bashir, and nurtured by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (member of al-Bashir’s Security Committee). This brutal paramilitary force was unleashed to crush armed insurgencies in Darfur, committing atrocities against the region’s people, including rape, mass killings, and other war crimes. The Janjaweed’s role in terrorising Darfur paved the way for Hemdeti, to rise through the ranks of Sudan’s power structure as a key enforcer of state violence and repression for al-Bashir’s regime, the Muslim Brotherhood.
His militia was relied upon to suppress protests and quell dissent in Khartoum, as well as mercenaries who fought for foreign regimes in Yemen. In exchange, the RSF profited from war, earning hard currency by participating in the conflict in Yemen, while simultaneously serving as a tool of the Sudanese state to leverage international financial support. Under the guise of being “border guards”, the RSF became an essential component of Sudan’s “migration management” strategy, securing millions of pounds from European Union states and Britain through the so-called “Khartoum Process“.
In 2017, as the RSF’s role in the state grew more entrenched, al-Bashir issued a decree rebranding the militia, formally giving it the status of a legitimate state force. But this “legitimacy” was merely a smokescreen to shield a criminal gang from scrutiny, allowing it to operate with impunity and continue its criminal activities unchecked.
The wealth accumulated by Hemdeti through his criminal history and the RSF is staggering. Built on a foundation of war crimes and exploitation, Hemdeti has diversified his fortune into gold mining, hotel chains, banking (including ownership of Al Khaleej Bank), and technological ventures. He has also profited from hiring out mercenaries to Gulf states to fight their wars in Yemen and Libya, turning Sudanese lives into commodities for imperialist conflicts. Such is his wealth that in 2019, Hemdeti bailed out Sudan’s Central Bank when the state faced financial collapse—a stark illustration of how Sudan’s resources have been concentrated in the hands of a few, while the masses endure poverty and repression.
The RSF is not simply a rogue militia—it is a product of Sudan’s counter-revolutionary state, deeply tied to the interests of imperialist powers and regional elites, violently suppressing any attempt at revolutionary change while profiting from the suffering and exploitation of the masses.
The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF)
The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) stand as the mother of all militias in Sudan, deeply entrenched in decades of exploitation, war crimes, and counter-revolutionary violence. For over 30 years, the SAF has been a central pillar of the oppressive state apparatus, serving not the people of Sudan but the interests of the ruling elite. Dominated by generals loyal to or members of the Muslim Brotherhood regime, the SAF worked hand-in-glove with other militias, such as Al-Baraa Ibn Malik and Al-Zubair Ibn Al-Awam, to protect the Brotherhood’s grip on power and advance its reactionary agenda.
The crimes of the SAF are staggering in scope, spanning multiple regions and decades. From the atrocities in South Sudan, the Nuba Mountains, and Blue Nile and South Kordofan states, to the genocides campaign in Darfur, the SAF has left a trail of blood and destruction across Sudan. These crimes are not incidental—they are the result of a military institution built to suppress any challenge to the status quo, prioritising the ruling elite’s survival over the well-being of the Sudanese people.
Economically, the SAF operates as a shadow state, monopolising resources and wealth while keeping the masses in poverty. According to Sudan’s former Prime Minister in a 2020 televised interview, the SAF controls 82% of Sudan’s budgetary resources, all of it outside the formal financial system. Its sprawling financial empire includes control over Sudan’s largest bank, Omdurman National Bank (86% ownership), as well as monopolies in agriculture, mining, construction, manufacturing, and military industries. This economic stranglehold ensures that the SAF not only maintains its military power but also cements its position as a dominant force in Sudan’s political and social landscape.
The SAF and RSF’s economic monopolies are direct and deliberate barriers to any possibility of democratic governance.
These institutions are not just tools of repression but instruments of systemic plunder, reinforcing a cycle of violence and exploitation that crushes revolutionary aspirations.
Since the eruption of the revolution in 2018, the SAF and RSF have served as the brutal enforcers of the counter-revolution, committing mass murder, torture, and rape in an effort to crush the aspirations of the Sudanese people.
One of the darkest chapters in modern Sudanese history came on June 3, 2019, when both militias – SAF and RSF – orchestrated massacres at 14 peaceful sit-ins across Sudan. Hundreds of revolutionaries were killed, raped, and burned alive in an attempt to crush the revolution and terrorise the masses into submission. Even after the overthrow of the civilian government in October 2021, their crimes continued, demonstrating that their allegiance lies only with their shared counter-revolutionary agenda. To this day, the SAF and RSF continue their brutal campaigns of repression, with 14 out of 18 states in Sudan are engulfed in active war zones. The death toll and scale of destruction, particularly in Khartoum, Darfur, and the Blue Nile, are incomprehensible.
The warlords’ desperation to swell their ranks has led to the mass release of over 100,000 prisoners, including notorious figures wanted by the United Nations such as Omar al-Bashir. These releases have further destabilised Sudan, escalating violence and creating chaos that the SAF and RSF exploit to entrench their power.
The war has introduced new forms of oppression, as food, medicine, communication, and even women’s bodies are weaponised against the Sudanese people. Depriving workers, pensioners, and ordinary citizens of life’s necessities has become a calculated strategy to crush resistance. Acts of kidnapping, rape, and murder are daily tools of terror wielded against those who dare to oppose the war. Even ordinary citizens providing food or medical aid to others are targeted, demonstrating the SAF’s and RSF’s absolute disdain for human life. This systematic targeting of civilians represents not just a military strategy but a deliberate war on the very fabric of society.
As the war drags on, both militias continue to create and arm new militias, further fracturing Sudan’s social cohesion and turning the conflict into a broader civil war, and threatening regional and international peace. In the eastern states alone, there are now at least 22 militias, in addition to the SAF and RSF militias. However, a militia can only produce more militias—perpetuating violence and division rather than addressing the people’s demands for freedom, peace, and justice.
Khalid M. Taha, a journalist specialising in Horn of Africa affairs and media spokesperson for the Alliance for Demand-Based Campaigns (TAM), has reported on the alarming situation in East Sudan, warning of an impending explosion of violence that could further fragment the country. These divisions are not accidents but deliberate strategies by the ruling elites to maintain their grip on power, using the blood of ordinary Sudanese people as collateral.
The Role of Foreign Powers in Sudan’s War
The imperialist and regional powers—including the US, UK, EU, Israel, UAE, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the African Union—have played a decisive role in shaping the tragedy unfolding in Sudan. These powers pressured the civilian Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC)—a coalition of political parties and armed groups—into signing the 2019 Constitutional Declaration, a power-sharing agreement with the military, despite widespread opposition from revolutionary forces. This agreement led to the formation of the Transitional Sovereignty Council, with al-Burhan as its head. Shortly after, al-Burhan appointed his ally in crime, Hemdeti, as his deputy in a blatant violation of the Constitutional Declaration.
The transitional government created under this agreement was a trap—a truce with the remnants of the Muslim Brotherhood regime embedded in the military. It was designed to give the Muslim Brotherhood time to regroup and reorganise while rehabilitating and legitimising the very military institutions the Sudanese people sought to dismantle during the 2018 revolution.
In October 2021, this same military overthrew the civilian forces, imprisoning their ministers alongside revolutionary leaders and activists. Undeterred, these foreign powers doubled down on their strategy, pushing the FFC toward yet another compromise with the coup leaders. By insisting on another “negotiated settlements” that preserve the structures of oppression, these external actors have undermined the revolution and emboldened the counter-revolution.
The UK government, for instance, provided diplomatic cover to the coup regime while hosting General al-Burhan at the Queen’s funeral—a move that sparked protests from Sudanese communities in the UK. Meanwhile, RSF leader Hemdeti was given a platform at COP27 in Egypt, legitimising his role despite his well-documented crimes. In June 2024, The Guardian reported that “UK government officials attempted to suppress criticism of the United Arab Emirates and its alleged role in supplying arms to a notorious militia waging a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Sudan, sources have told the Guardian”.
Israel’s involvement has also been deeply complicit. Just weeks before the October 2021 coup, Israeli security officials visited Sudan and met with coup leaders, signalling tacit approval. In February 2023, only two months before the outbreak of war, Israeli Foreign Minister Eli Cohen and al-Burhan agreed to a “peace treaty” that included cooperation on military and security matters. This deal not only bolstered the military junta but also prioritised Israel’s regional interests over the lives and aspirations of Sudanese people. It also underscores how “peace” is cynically used to mask imperialist ambitions and solidify alliances with Sudan’s military leaders.
Turkey, under its Muslim Brotherhood-aligned regime, continues to shelter Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood figures, allowing them to funnel billions of dollars stolen from the Sudanese people into Turkish investments. Meanwhile, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Russia, and the UAE directly arm and fund both the SAF and RSF, perpetuating the cycle of violence.
Four Eritrean warships are currently docked at the port of Sawakin in north-eastern Sudan, on the west coast of the Red Sea.
Both militias, the SAF and RSF serve as proxies in a broader regional power struggle, with foreign actors exploiting Sudan’s strategic location, agricultural potential, mineral wealth (including gold and oil), and its control over critical maritime routes. For global powers, Sudan’s suffering is an opportunity to expand influence and extract resources, unencumbered by democratic oversight or accountability.
The international and regional powers share a common objective: to prevent the success of the Sudanese revolution. A victorious revolution would challenge the neoliberal and imperialist order that thrives on exploitation and subservience. It would inspire workers and oppressed peoples globally, posing a serious threat to the interests of imperialist states and their corporate backers. These powers do not care whether it’s a dictatorship or a puppet government, the goal is the same—maintain control of Sudan’s wealth and strategic assets without interference from the Sudanese masses and any democratic accountability, and suppress any revolutionary challenge to imperialism and capitalism in the region.
Human Rights Watch released a report on September 9, 2024, analysing some of the weapons, equipment, and recent acquisitions of both militias.
Under-Secretary-General Rosemary A. DiCarlo’s confirmed the flow of weapons into Sudan during her briefing to the Security Council on the Sudan and South Sudan on 12 November 2024:
As the end of the rainy season approaches, the parties continue to escalate their military operations, recruit new fighters, and intensify their attacks.
This is possible thanks to considerable external support, including a steady flow of weapons into the country.
To put it bluntly, certain purported allies of the parties are enabling the slaughter in Sudan. This is unconscionable, it is illegal, and it must end.
The question must be asked: Would the warring factions still be fighting today if they relied solely on the weapons they had at the start of the war in April 2023? Would millions have been displaced, or tens of thousands killed? The answer is NO. The ongoing destruction is sustained by an endless supply of arms from both regional and global powers, who profit from the bloodshed while Sudanese civilians pay the price.
The death and displacement of ordinary Sudanese people generate wealth for imperialist arms dealers, multinational corporations, and complicit governments. Sudan’s natural riches—its gold, oil, and fertile lands—have become a curse, exploited by foreign powers to enrich themselves at the expense of the people.
Should We Support SAF or RSF?
The war between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has not only deepened divisions within Sudanese society but has also fragmented revolutionary forces, leaving many confused about which side to support. SAF, wielding the propaganda machinery of the Muslim Brotherhood, has successfully positioned itself as the “only option” or the “lesser evil” in the eyes of many. As a result, SAF has managed to secure significant support, including from various Sudanese and non-Sudanese abroad and activists globally.
Supporters of SAF often argue that its victory is necessary to preserve Sudan’s unity and prevent the RSF from tearing the country apart. Others contend that, despite its corruption, SAF remains a “national institution” capable of reform once the RSF is defeated. These arguments, however, are profoundly flawed from a revolutionary perspective.
It is crucial to respond to these arguments from a revolutionary perspective, rooted in the historical and analytical context outlined above.
The reality is that armies—whether SAF or RSF— by their very nature, are not neutral institutions; they are instruments of the ruling class, designed to protect the interests of the bourgeoisie, maintain exploitation, and suppress revolutionary movements. They defend the status quo, ensuring that the wealth of the nation remains in the hands of a few. In revolutionary situations, the transformation of the army from a tool of oppression into a force for liberation becomes a critical task. This transformation demands dismantling the current military structures and replacing them with new, people-centred organisations that reflect the democratic and collective will of the masses.
Both militias are built on the stolen wealth of the Sudanese people. The generals in both forces have fought tooth and nail to protect their wealth, refusing demands from the transitional civilian government (2019-2021) to declare their assets and transfer them to the Ministry of Finance. These generals, who have long profited from the exploitation of Sudan’s resources, are responsible for untold crimes across the country, from massacres to the creation of militias like the RSF. The SAF, under the leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood, has been complicit in these crimes, enforcing a system of inequality and oppression that has benefited only the elites.
Supporters of the SAF fail to acknowledge the immense wealth controlled by the army, which rightfully belongs to the people. These generals—guardians of Sudan’s economic monopoly—are determined to protect their wealth at any cost. Their crimes, both past and ongoing, are not isolated incidents; they are part of a system of systemic repression and exploitation. They are the architects of militias like the RSF, responsible for the same crimes and violence that have plagued Sudan.
Both militias—SAF and RSF—have been fighting since April 2023, yet neither has achieved victory. Both are sustained by foreign powers, and yet the war rages on, fuelled by external interests that benefit from Sudan’s destruction. The truth is, throughout Sudan’s history, the army has consistently been the protector of the ruling class and has acted against the will of the people who yearn for a democratic government.
If the SAF wins, what can we expect? Will there be justice for the crimes they have committed? Will there be a fair distribution of Sudan’s wealth to all its people? The answer is clear: the army’s victory would only deepen class divisions—economically, socially, and culturally—and the people would need to rise up in another socialist revolution in the future. In that future, the army and its supporters would be even stronger, having learned from previous revolutions like the one in 2018. They would make sure that no revolutionary force could rise again, and Sudan would be ruled by a dictatorship unlike any seen before.
It is also important to address the stance of some groups in Europe and the US, who focus on condemning the RSF and its backers, like the UAE, while excusing or downplaying the crimes of the SAF. This is another form of supporting the SAF. Yes, it is important to expose the crimes of the RSF and the UAE, but it is equally crucial to expose the crimes of the SAF and its international backers. Both sides are supported by imperialist powers, and without this foreign intervention, the war would not have continued to this point.
By condemning only one side, we risk reinforcing the narrative that the SAF is the “only option” or the “lesser evil”—a claim that is utterly false. If the UAE were to stop supporting the RSF, the SAF would only gain more leverage, which goes against our revolutionary principles. Our task is to expose the crimes of both factions equally and to recognise that the SAF and RSF are two sides of the same oppressive coin.
Both SAF and RSF are enemies of the people’s revolution. They are creations of the ruling class, products of a system built on exploitation and repression. Both sides are equally responsible for the crimes committed against the Sudanese people, and both are obstacles to the revolution. Therefore, both must go down together.
Why should ordinary people side with one oppressor over another? Why support one criminal over another? Neither the SAF nor the RSF represents the interests, aspirations, or future of the people of Sudan. The choice is not between one military faction or another; the choice is between continuing the cycle of inequality, violence, and exploitation or fighting for a new society based on revolutionary principles.
This is not about supporting one side over the other; it is about adhering to revolutionary principles. The question is whether we will allow the ruling class and their military forces to dictate the future of Sudan, or whether we will fight for a future based on the democratic and collective interests of the people. The answer must be clear: We reject both the SAF and the RSF and fight for a revolutionary Sudan.
Do we have an alternative?
Revolution is The Choice of The People – Is the Alternative
The people of Sudan must reject the illusion of choice between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Both militias represent the interests of the ruling class and are tools of oppression that perpetuate violence, inequality, and exploitation. The alternative lies in rebuilding and uniting the revolutionary movement that first emerged in 2018, a movement rooted in the power of grassroots organisation. This means mobilising resistance committees, demand-based campaigns, trade unions, student groups, women’s movements, emergency response rooms, and communities, alongside all those who believe in the principles of the revolution, inside Sudan and globally.
The immediate priority is clear: end the war and reclaim the struggle for a revolutionary transformation of Sudan. But the question goes deeper than stopping the war – how to seize this moment to create a revolutionary alternative that will finally deliver on the people’s aspirations for true liberation. This is the choice we must make together; it is a moment for revolution.
The revolution that began in 2018 is far from over. Its ultimate victory depends on our refusal to compromise with generals, warlords, and imperialist forces that seek only to replace one form of tyranny with another. Aligning with these criminals will only prolong the suffering of the Sudanese people and betray the ideals of freedom, justice, and equality that define the revolutionary cause. The path forward demands a revolution from below, led by the masses and rooted in their collective power. Only this approach can dismantle the structures of oppression and pave the way for a society built on solidarity and democracy.
The role of foreign powers in fuelling this war cannot be ignored. Imperialist governments and their regional allies have armed, funded, and continue to prop up the very forces that wage war on the people of Sudan. Exposing and confronting this exploitation is crucial. But this fight cannot remain isolated. We must build a global revolutionary movement that challenges the interests of the capitalist class, whose profits are stained with the blood of Sudanese people.
By uniting with revolutionary movements worldwide, we can amplify our collective strength, confront the systems of oppression that transcend borders, and fight for a future that belongs to the people—not the elites. The revolution in Sudan is not just a local struggle; it is part of the global fight for a world free of exploitation and oppression.
